47
Kendall Deas
The Journal of Educational Foundations, Fall-Winter 2018
Kendall Deas is an adjunct assistant professor of education policy and law in the Department of Political
Science and an Honors College faculty fellow at the College of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina. His e-mail
address is: [email protected]
Abstract
This article examines the Common Core State Standards Initiative
and provides a policy analysis of issues concerning its implementation
as a policy initiative to achieve education reform in the U.S. Aside from
highlighting developments concerning this policy initiative, it exam-
ines the origins of this movement toward adopting common core state
standards and political implications of the education policy. The article
assesses what are the advantages, disadvantages, and pitfalls concern-
ing prospects for change that could result from the implementation of
common core state standards, and examines the policy as it relates to
theories of action or change. Specifically, as it concerns theories of ac-
tion or change, it will focus upon how this education policy is supposed
to improve student learning along with its prospects for success. The
hypothesis proposed here is that this policy initiative as a reform will
not result in improving student achievement. For one, there is clearly a
flaw in the underlying rationale that uniform standards are needed to
improve education in U.S. schools. Further, there is no clear evidence that
raising standards will result in increased student learning. In addition,
the common core initiative lacks a convincing research base to support this
perspective which could in turn undermine support for implementation
of the policy. Finally, research shows a weak or nonexistent relationship
between common core standards and high test scores.
Evaluating
Common Core
Are Uniform Standards
a Silver Bullet
for Education Reform?
Kendall Deas
The Journal of Educational Foundations
Vol. 31, No. 3 & 4
Fall/Winter 2018, pp. 47-62
Copyright 2018 by Caddo Gap Press
48
Evaluating Common Core
Introduction
This article examines the Common Core State Standards Initia-
tive and issues concerning its implementation as a policy initiative to
achieve education reform in the U.S. The Obama administration was a
proponent for a set of education standards developed with the goal of
making all high school graduates in the U.S. prepared for college entry
or careers. In order to reach this goal, the administration pressured
states to incorporate content standards referred to as the common core
and developed by the National Governor’s Association and the Council
of Chief State School Officers (NGA/CCSSO). In fact, the administration
proposed that federal Title 1 aid be withheld from states that do not
adopt these or comparable standards.
Aside from highlighting developments under the Obama administra-
tion and the policy’s status in the current political climate, the article
examines the origins of this movement toward adopting common core
state standards and political implications of the education policy. It
assesses what are the advantages, disadvantages, and pitfalls concern-
ing prospects for change that could result from the implementation
of common core state standards, and examines the policy as it relates
to theories of action or change. Specifically, as it concerns theories of
action or change, it will focus upon how this education policy aims to
improve student learning along with its prospects for success. It is clear
that there is an underlying flaw in the rationale that common core or
uniform standards are necessary to improve education in American
schools. For one, there is no compelling or clear evidence that raising
standards will ultimately result in enhanced student learning. Further,
there is no convincing or solid research base associated with common
core to support this perspective. This could in turn undermine support
for the policy’s implementation. Aside from a limited research base, some
of the existing research indicates that there is a weak or nonexistent
correlation between common core standards and high test scores.
Common Core State Standards:
Origins of the Movement and the Rationale for Uniformity of Standards
The origin of the Common Core State Standards Initiative is linked
to a critical meeting in April of 2009 when the National Governors’ As-
sociation and the Council of Chief State School Officers (NGA/CCSSO)
met in Chicago, Illinois to undertake efforts to propose more uniform
standards for U.S. education (Mathis, 2010). During this period, rep-
resentatives from 41 states along with NGA/CCSSO officials met and
49
Kendall Deas
proposed to draft a set of uniform or common education standards for
American schools (Mathis, 2010). A private contractor company known
as Achieve, Inc. was commissioned by NGA/CCSSO to develop a set of
new common core standards for U.S. schools in the areas of both math-
ematics and reading (McNeil, 2009). In fact, the project to develop new
common core standards was basically fast-tracked for Achieve, Inc. to
have a clearly articulated set of grade-by-grade standards by the end
of 2009 (McNeil, 2009).
Aside from the federal funding, the Gates Foundation also contributed
significantly to the effort to create new common core state standards
for U.S. schools. The foundation not only bankrolled the development of
the standards, but also built vital political support across the country,
and persuaded state governments to make systemic and costly changes.
The Gates Foundation essentially provided the money and structure for
states to work together on common standards in a way that avoided col-
lusion between states’ rights and national interests that had a tendency
to undercut previous efforts (Layton, 2014). It provided financing across
the political spectrum to teachers unions, the American Federation of
Teachers, the National Education Association (NEA), and business
organizations such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce (Layton, 2014).
Despite previous conflicts, these groups became vocal supporters of the
standards. Further, financing was channeled to policy groups on both the
left and right to scholars of varying political persuasions who advocated
for common core state standards. For example, liberals at the Center
for American Progress and conservatives associated with the American
Legislative Exchange Council who often were on opposite ends of the
policy spectrum accepted funds from the Gates Foundation and were
on common ground with common core standards (Layton, 2014).
In assessing the foundation’s investment in creating, implementing
and promoting common core state standards, it is clear that it essentially
underestimated the basic level of resources and support necessary for
America’s public education systems to be properly equipped to actually
implement the standards (Strauss, 2016). Moreover, the foundation missed
an early opportunity to engage teachers, parents, and communities so
that the benefits of the standards could take affect from the beginning
(Strauss, 2016).
It is significant to note that during the period of development and
implementation of common core standards, states faced financial difficul-
ties. Despite facing these financial challenges, states still made concerted
efforts to implement common core standards (CEP, 2012). Even though
they faced limited funding and budget cuts, many states engaged in
long-term planning for implementation of common core standards. They
revised and created aligned curriculum materials and adopted and imple-
50
Evaluating Common Core
mented new assessments that were aligned to the new standards (CEP,
2012). Most of the states made a range of standards related changes to
areas such as teacher professional development, preparation, induction,
and evaluation (CEP, 2012). Further, many of these states carried out
special initiatives to implement these new standards in their lowest-
performing schools (CEP, 2012).
When one examines the issue of subject-matter standards, it becomes
evident that the development of standards for academic subjects in
U.S. schools had historically been the domain of area specialists within
universities and schools. In contrast, workgroups associated with the
corporation commissioned by NGA/CCSSO met privately to develop the
new common core standards excluding many K-12 educators. Moreover,
these workgroups associated with the corporation consisted largely of
corporate employees, and employees affiliated with testing companies
such as ACT and the College Board. In addition, employees of pro-account-
ability groups such as America’s Choice, Student Achievement Partners,
and the Stanford think tank known as the Hoover Institute were also
involved in the process to draft new uniform standards for U.S. schools.
This in turn led to complaints about exclusion from both practitioners
and subject area experts. Some observers contend that this was because
they wanted to draft a set of standards based on the best research as
opposed to the opinions of just one organization (Cavanaugh, 2009). In
fact, only one K-12 teacher was involved in developing the new common
core state standards out of the more than 65 individuals who participated
in the process (Cavanaugh, 2009). Further, the workgroups developing
uniform standards were devoid of input from administrators.
There were confidential iterations of the standards between both
developers and state departments of education. The initial public release
of a draft for the common core state standards occurred on March 10,
2010 (Department of Education, 2010). The final set of recommendations
for the new common core standards was released on June 2, 2010. As a
result of efforts by the Obama administration, states that sought to be
in contention for the second round of Race to the Top grants had to adopt
the new standards by August 2, 2010 (Gerwertz, 2010). The guidelines
established by the NGA/CCSSO proposed statewide adoption of the com-
mon core state standards if they desired to be a part of the Race to the
Top initiative (Phillips & Wong, 2010). The Obama administration’s use
of federal dollars through Race to the Top to encourage states to adopt
new and more rigorous standards in the midst of an economic downturn
was a powerful incentive to encourage states to adopt the policy.
In terms of the rationale for the uniformity of state standards, the
Obama administration held the view that a set of common core state
standards for education in the U.S. was necessary for national economic
51
Kendall Deas
competitiveness in an increasingly global economy. The administration
asserted in its Blueprint document on standards to the U.S. Congress that
having uniform state standards in education is paramount in reaching the
objective of having all American children achieve academically regardless
of their socio-economic background (U.S. Department of Education, 2010).
A critical component of the federal approach is basically aligning common
core standards with both curriculum and assessments. In the Obama
administration’s Blueprint document on standards to the U.S. Congress,
the set of uniform standards is required to be high in the sense that the
federal goal is for all American students to be career or college-ready.
This is significant as it is in direct contrast to the standards movement
of the 1970s which only required students to achieve minimum basic
skills. Further, the National Governors’ Association and Council of Chief
State School Officers contended that having a set of common core state
standards for U.S. schools is necessary for our nation to achieve greater
international competitiveness (National Governors’ Association, 2009).
Many advocates for uniform state standards in education argue
that large variations in state assessments and levels of proficiency can
hinder effective and efficient reform (Phillips and Wong, 2010). Those
supporters of uniform state standards suggest that common core state
standards will allow broad-based sharing of what works within and across
schools, districts, and states. The idea here is that common core state
standards will increase efficiency. Further, proponents of uniform state
standards point to the fact that with a common curriculum, students
can change schools without having the continuity of their educational
studies interrupted (Richardson, 2010).
Those who oppose the movement towards common core state standards
for U.S. schools tend to focus upon two major concerns. First, they argue
that top-down, high-stakes standards will diminish the rich variety of
experiences in the classroom. Moreover, they contend that a one-size-fits-
all model of education is not ideal for every child. They also have concerns
that the adoption of common core state standards may limit teaching to
just testable information and stifle knowledge, flexibility, and creativity
so vital to quality educational experiences. Second, opponents of com-
mon core state standards fear an intensification of the punitive policies
associated with accountability that could occur if uniform standards are
adopted. However, it is important to note that high-stakes standards and
punitive policies are dependent on state policymakers.
Policy Issues Concerning the Uniform Standards Movement
and Political Implications
The central argument most often used by those who are proponents
52
Evaluating Common Core
of common core state standards is that uniformity in standards is critical
to enhancing America’s international competitiveness. There are several
assumptions made by supporters of common core standards that are the
basis for this argument or viewpoint. First, supporters of uniformity in
standards for education assume that high quality state standards will
lead to U.S. students achieving higher test scores. Second, they assume
that high quality national standards will lead to higher scores on tests
for international comparisons. Third, supporters of common core stan-
dards assume that the shortcoming of the American educational system
hinders the nation from being more competitive globally. Finally, they
assume that a set of quality common core state standards will help
the nation meet the workforce needs of the economy. However, there is
limited evidence to support many of these assumptions.
An important policy issue concerning the common core state standards
movement is whether or not adopting uniform standards for U.S. schools will
improve, harm, or have no effect at all on student learning. In fact, many
observers suggest that this is the most important policy issue concerning
the movement toward instituting common core standards. It is important
to note that while the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) law was conducive to
state standards, it was also accompanied by additional mandates for test-
ing, sanctions, and interventions. This in turn made it difficult to assess the
effects of one of these various elements. Some education policy researchers
argue that there is still no clear evidence that standards-based account-
ability systems are especially effective. Moreover, some of these scholars
contend that any beneficial effects on studentsaverage test scores are quite
minimal, and there appear to be negative effects on the achievement gap,
graduation, and dropout rates (Strauss, 2014).
In terms of the political dynamics surrounding the process, the
movement for common core state standards may best be understood as
an extension of President George H.W. Bush’s education proposals. In
1989, President Bush along with leaders from the National Business
Roundtable set forth critical components of a high quality education
system that incorporated standards, assessments, and accountability.
In 1994, President Clinton signed Goals 2000 into law which provided
states with grants to adopt content standards. However, Goals 2000
created a political backlash by conservatives against the growing influ-
ence of the federal government over education. There was also concern
expressed pertaining to the content and goals of the standards.
There are clearly policy and political implications concerning the
movement toward adopting common core state standards for U.S. schools.
The federal government has traditionally had a limited role in the area
of education. In fact, the responsibility for education is delegated to the
states within their respective individual constitutions. Regardless as to
53
Kendall Deas
whether it is characterized as a political, policy, or legal concern, some
citizens question whether it is appropriate for the federal government to
make a strong demand on states to adopt common standards. However,
it is important to consider that it may be voluntary but not if federal aid
becomes contingent on states’ adoption of them. In addition, there are
certainly some implementation issues and other obstacles or challenges
that may serve to undermine efforts to initiate common core standards.
Whether or not a common core standards system can be implemented with
valid assessments is a critical issue as well as securing adequate funding
of special programs to assist students in reaching these new standards.
Common Core State Standards and Implementation Issues:
Potential Challenges for Implementation of the Policy
When one examines the landscape concerning the education policy of
common core state standards, it becomes clear that there are a number
of implementation issues and obstacles that could potentially hinder
the overall success of the effort to institute common core standards. The
issue of policy implementation can create some practical problems that
must be resolved if the effort to institute common core standards is to
be a success. Some scholars within the field of education policy argue
that in the case of common core state standards, there is substantial
overlap between policy issues and implementation obstacles.
A particular issue of concern relates to the content of standards
and the formal comments from professional organizations. For example,
there have been some disagreements over standards for areas such as
English and mathematics. Many of the most important educational
professional associations such as the American Association of School
Administrators, the National Association of State Boards of Education,
the National Education Association, the American Federation of Teach-
ers, and the National School Boards Association have generally been
quite supportive of the initiative to adopt common core state standards
for U.S. schools. However, they made their support conditional on both
the provision of professional development and adequate resources.
Further, teacher organizations particularly requested more time
be devoted to careful development and to assure the common core
standards are broader than just the area of mathematics and reading
(National Education Association, 2009). They also expressed support for
maintaining the role of educators on local levels (National Education
Association, 2009). However, it has been the English and mathematics
teachers associations that have focused most intently upon the content
of the draft standards.
Some groups such as the National Council of Teachers of Mathemat-
54
Evaluating Common Core
ics (NCTM) have complemented efforts by the NGA/CCSSO to develop
standards, but prefer their own work. A major concern of the NCTM is
that the NGA/CCSSO math standards are not properly articulated from
one grade to the next. In addition, NCTM contends that there is a lack of
focus on mathematical understanding and very little attention devoted
to technology, statistics, and data analysis. They also suggest the area of
fractions receives too much attention and the group is concerned overall
that the NGA/CCSSO standards are inadequate.
In contrast, the National Council of Teachers of English (NCTE) was
essentially more cautious in their stance on the NGA/CCSSO standards.
In its committee review, the organization expressed a number of concerns
pertaining to the NGA/CCSSO standards. For one, the NCTE suggested
that the NGA/CCSSO common core standards were too narrow and
prescriptive and that there was a deficiency in grade-to-grade articu-
lation. The NCTE also had concerns that the NGA/CCSSO standards
would relegate the curriculum for U.S. schools to merely what could be
measured on a standardized test because of its focus on lower-order rote
learning rather than higher-order thinking and applications.
Aside from the difficulty that is clearly implied by the common core
standards requirement that every American high school graduate be col-
lege and career ready, another challenge will be determining the difficulty
of the required tests and where to actually set passing scores. These are
critical decisions because they will most definitely affect the percentage
of students, teachers, and schools labeled as proficient. This issue has the
potential to become quite political because if the standards are unrealisti-
cally high, this could be detrimental to potentially low-scoring students,
the national economy, and society (Warren & Grodsky, 2009).
Another issue of overall concern pertains to the validity and reli-
ability of test scores that will be used for high-stakes assessment. Many
observers contend that adequately measuring students’ higher-order
skills which was the objective of the Obama administration and the
NGA/CCSSO could prove considerably more problematic for state-wide
testing programs. For example, attempting to score more open-ended
responses on tests measuring students’ problem-solving skills could
clearly represent some critical challenges. While it is true that tested
knowledge tends to be linear, sequential, and hierarchical to meet
growth-score requirements, this is not easily achieved once students
move beyond elementary school level mathematics and reading. Moreover,
attempting to assess or measure the growth of students’ higher-order
skills through standardized tests is a psychometric issue that could also
result in problems related to both measurement and cost (Linn, 2005).
Finally, the lack of adequate funding could prove to be a challenge in
terms of the implementation of common core state standards as a national
55
Kendall Deas
education policy. Those who actively support the effort for common core
standards argue that the new policy will create mechanisms for all children
to have high and equal educational opportunities. However, some educa-
tion policy scholars argue that this assertion by proponents of the policy
should be considered in light of experiences with the NCLB law. In the
case of the NCLB law, the initiative has been quite underfunded. In fact,
there are studies indicating that economically deprived children require
some 20% to 40% more funds per pupil than more advantaged students
(Mathis, 2010). Moreover, economically disadvantaged students receive
fewer resources than more advantaged students even when funds such
as Title 1 from the federal and state governments are taken into account.
In a similar vein as what has occurred with the NCLB law, the common
core state standards initiative could possibly result in obligations that are
underfunded at various government levels. In addition, if the initiative
proves to be successful in improving schools, more financial resources will
be needed to keep them at that improved level.
Scholarly Perspectives on Policy Implementation
The implementation of common core state standards as a national
education policy can also be assessed through the perspectives of several
leading scholars in the area of policy implementation. In The Rand Change
Agent Study Revisited: Macro Perspectives and Micro Realities, Milbrey
W. McLaughlin’s (1990) research highlights the significance of local fac-
tors in determining policy or project outcomes. In fact, McLaughlin (1990)
finds that local factors as opposed to federal program guidelines or project
methods were more determinative of these outcomes. McLaughlin (1990)
notes that these local factors can surely change over periods of time and
that top-down policies before they are implemented should be designed
and integrated in ways that are conducive to local level conditions.
If one lends credence to McLaughlins (1990) research findings, then
there potentially could be some challenges ahead concerning the imple-
mentation of the common core state standards as a national education
policy. For one, the manner in which the new common core standards were
drafted with the virtual exclusion of any K-12 educators from local levels
who are certainly more aware of local districtseducational needs runs
counter to McLaughlins findings. McLaughlin would suggest that based
upon her findings, the common core state standards initiative would ben-
efit from greater inclusion of K-12 educators’ perspectives that are more
aware of local districts’ needs. In addition, McLaughlin would suggest
that before implementation of the policy, common core standards should
be designed to be conducive to the educational needs of local districts.
The manner in which the common core state standards came into
56
Evaluating Common Core
fruition is also a direct contrast to the research findings concerning
policy implementation by Cohen, Moffit, and Goldin (2007). In Policy
and Practice, Cohen, Moffit, and Goldin (2007) argue that policy design
should essentially rest with the needs of practitioners. This approach
came to be known as the bottom-up perspective. Further, with this ap-
proach, practitioners use knowledge that policymakers do not have in
order to modify policy (Cohen, Moffit, & Goldin, 2007).
The development of common core standards as a national education
policy is reflective of top-down approaches or strategies (Cohen, Moffit, &
Goldin, 2007). Cohen, Moffit, and Goldin (2007) would most likely be critical
of this top down approach because K-12 practitioners were excluded from
the design of the policy. They would view K-12 educators as practitioners
who possess crucial knowledge about the educational curriculum that
policymakers lack in order to develop or modify policy. In fact, at the same
time when policy researchers were arguing that policy should be understood
and developed from the bottom-up, federal and state governments were
making concerted efforts to employ top down approaches (Cohen, Moffit,
& Goldin, 2007). In addition, the federal government began to turn away
from shaping practice through the allocation and regulation of resources
toward shaping practice by requiring outcomes.
Some scholars argue that common core state standards will in
-
evitably lead to restrictive high-stakes, standardized testing similar
to that associated with NCLB (Au, 2013). They hold the view that the
authentic standards movement has been subverted by a high-stakes
standardized test-based movement. Scholars in the field such as Wayne
Au (2013) contend that these forms of standards and accountability have
deviated from their original intent and have relied erroneously on the
faulty measures provided by high-stakes, standardized tests. Moreover,
Au (2013) and other scholars in the field note that socioeconomically
disadvantaged children across race lines are seeing certain subjects
such as art or physical education eliminated to focus on mathematics
and literacy as well as test preparation.
The Politics of Common Core State Standards
A thorough assessment of common core state standards as an educa-
tion policy reveals that despite being referred to as state standards, the
common core state standards are really national standards (Mathis, 2010;
Au, 2013). A careful evaluation of the policy reveals that these standards
were originally developed with national standards as the primary goal
(Au, 2013). In fact, the goal and referring to them as state standards
was mainly a tactic or strategy to aid in negotiating the complicated
politics of national standards and national curriculum (Au, 2013).
57
Kendall Deas
The movement towards common core state standards has generated
a broad coalition of support from business leaders, politicians from both
major political parties, and both of the nation’s major teachers’ unions
(Au, 2013). In fact, the support for common core state standards is
comparable to that of NCLB with the exception of two critical aspects.
With the common core state standards unlike NCLB, the support of civil
rights organizations and discourse around racial achievement gaps and
inequality are notably absent (Au, 2013). There are also similarities in
terms of the opposition generated against both policies (Au, 2013). For
example, opponents of both education policies cited the need for local
control, concerns or fears of a federal overreach with a possible national
curriculum, fiscal efficiency, and parents’ rights (Au, 2013).
As was the case with NCLB, a close examination of the political
landscape concerning the policy reveals that the common core has
caused a division or split amongst some political conservatives (Au,
2013). For instance, right wing extremists, populist libertarians, states’
rights advocates, and Tea Party styled free market nationalists such as
the Pioneer Institute, the American Principles Project, the Washington
Policy Center, and the Goldwater Institute have taken a stand against
the common core state standards movement due to years of federal
control and critique of big government spending (Au, 2013). In 2013,
some 10 states backtracked on their support of the common core state
standards with conservative Republicans in Ohio, Michigan, Indiana,
and Alabama leading the effort to block the implementation of the policy
in their respective states (Au, 2013).
While liberal Democrats tend to be supporters of the common core
state standards as was the case with NCLB initially, the policy initiative
has also caused some rifts amongst left progressives (Au, 2013). While
NCLB basically relied upon the rhetoric of achieving racial equity in terms
of the existing achievement gap in order to gain support from liberals
and progressives, those in authority have essentially made conditions
in K-12 public education so challenging through the initiation of budget
cuts, ossified state standards, and high-stakes tests based on standards
that many progressives view the common core as an improvement over
what has currently been occurring in American education (Au, 2013).
Further, some view the common core as more constructivist in nature
than previous state standards while focusing on developing higher-order
skills (Au, 2013).
In the current political climate, there has been much opposition to
common core standards as a viable education policy. The Trump admin
-
istration has positioned itself strongly against the policy indicating that
efforts at improving education should be localized. However, in contrast to
the current administration’s position, common core state standards were
58
Evaluating Common Core
developed by governors and state school superintendents and adopted
at the state level. They were not created by the Obama administration
or forced on states. At present, some 37 states and the District of Co-
lumbia have incorporated common core standards. However, in today’s
political climate and under the leadership of the current administration,
political pressure has clearly played a role in some states reviewing and
nominally replacing common core standards.
Common Core State Standards Related
to Theories of Action or Change
The goals or objectives of the Common Core State Standards Initia-
tive can be assessed through theories of action or change. Within the
field of education policy, a theory of action or change can be used to help
policymakers, policy practitioners, and academicians address specific
questions or issues concerning the goals or objectives of particular poli-
cies (HFRP, 2010). For example, scholars within the field of education
associated with the Harvard Family Research Project (HFRP) have
developed theories of action and change to address questions concerning
how to both develop and evaluate professional development opportunities
for after school staff (HFRP, 2010). These theories of action and change
are helpful in articulating policy approaches, defining their intended
impact, and designing an evaluation strategy to measure the potential
impact of the program or policy (HFRP, 2010). In fact, theories of action
and change have been utilized within other fields outside of education
such as sociology and social work to accomplish these same objectives
(Bourdieu, 1998; Berglind, 1998).
In relation to the national education policy of common core state
standards, it is useful to examine the policy through a theory of action
to obtain a clear understanding of the policy’s goals or objectives. The
common core can be examined through a theory of policy change such as
path dependence because of the high costs associated with implementing
the policy and the difficulty in changing policies concerning standards
given actors tendency to protect existing policies (Greener, 2002). A
theory of action underlying the common core state standards initia-
tive is reflected in its rationale for why standards are needed for U.S.
schools. First, standards are necessary to increase the nation’s economic
competitiveness in an increasingly global economy (Mathis, 2010). When
held to these standards, the belief or understanding is that the national
competitiveness of the U.S. economy will increase (Mathis, 2010). Second,
standards are necessary so that all American children regardless of
background will eventually achieve at high levels (Mathis, 2010). As it
relates to a theory of action, the understanding in this instance is that
59
Kendall Deas
if students are held to these common core standards, they will achieve
or increase their educational output (Mathis, 2010). In short, examining
the rationale for common core standards allows one to apply a theory of
action or change that underlies the education policy.
Common Core State Standards:
Do Benefits Outweigh Costs?
In assessing common core standards, it becomes evident that any
benefits associated with the policy do not outweigh costs. There are
clearly both advantages and disadvantages associated with the policy. A
particular advantage of the policy is that common core state standards
may in fact hold some promise for bringing greater rigor and consistency
to critical elements of education across various states and school districts.
Proponents of the policy contend that this greater rigor and consistency
will enhance student achievement and allow the U.S. to become more
competitive internationally when compared educationally to other na-
tions. However, one of the glaring disadvantages or shortcomings of the
policy is that it is a potentially costly and complex initiative to fully
implement that will take time to enact. Moreover, once implemented,
the policy will affect many aspects of the nation’s education system from
areas of curriculum, instruction, and assessment to teacher policies and
higher education.
Another drawback of the policy is the level of resources needed for its
implementation by respective states when so many of them face financial
challenges. State efforts to assist districts with the implementation of
the policy will most certainly be affected by states’ financial climate.
Further, these financial challenges states face could result in funding
problems that could delay plans to actually implement the policy. In fact,
when one examines the history of common core state standards, many
of the initial implementations of the policy occurred at a time where
local, state, and federal budgets were actually expected to decrease.
An additional shortcoming of common core standards is that rather
than enhance student academic achievement, the policy has exacerbated
the dropout and graduation rates in states that have implemented the
standards. The nonprofit Carnegie Corporation of New York, which
supported the common core state standards, published a report in 2013
indicating how the policy would affect graduation and dropout rates.
This report revealed that a six-year dropout rate would increase from
a 15% to 30% dropout rate by 2020 unless there was a major change in
learning environments (Strauss, 2014). It also indicated that the four-
year graduation rate would drop from 75% to 53% (Strauss, 2014).
60
Evaluating Common Core
Conclusions:
Insights and Recommendations Concerning Policy Implementation
While the Common Core State Standards Initiative is an admirable
effort to improve elementary and secondary school education in the U.S.,
there are a number of critical problems with the national education policy.
Aside from the benefits of the policy not outweighing costs, some of the
inherent problems with the policy relate to its underlying rationale for
why it is believed uniform standards are a necessity for American schools.
There is clearly a flaw in the underlying rationale that uniform standards
are needed to improve education in American schools.
The Obama administration and others who supported the movement
for common core standards argued that raising standards for U.S. schools
would result in increased student learning. Many proponents of the policy
initiative view it as a mechanism of social justice to aid in addressing
educational inequities so that all U.S. children regardless of racial or socio-
economic background will achieve at high levels. However, this particular
assumption that is at the foundation of the rationale for standards is
problematic because there really is no clear evidence that simply raising
standards will result in increased student learning (Mathis, 2010). In all
actuality, there is evidence that common core standards have exacerbated
both graduation and dropout rates in states that have adopted the policy
(Strauss, 2014). This evidence supports the hypothesis that common core
as a policy initiative will not result in improvements in student achieve
-
ment. The common core state standards initiative lacks a convincing
research base to substantiate or support this viewpoint. In fact, this is
one of the most critical issues facing the movement for common core state
standards. The lack of a convincing research base to support its assump-
tions as to why uniform standards are needed could undermine support
for implementation of the policy and make it difficult to garner additional
support for the movement. However, linking federal funds for states to
their adoption of the common core standards as the Obama administra-
tion did could serve as a powerful incentive for states. This seems quite
unlikely in the current political climate where the Trump administration
views common core as an unnecessary federal encroachment on the area
of education where they feel policy efforts should be more localized. The
greater likelihood under the current administration’s leadership is for
political pressure to play a significant role in states opting to review and
nominally replace common core.
As is the case with the assumption that standards will increase
student learning, there is a problem with supporters’ assumptions that
having uniform standards for U.S. schools will increase the nation’s inter-
61
Kendall Deas
national economic competitiveness. In fact, many scholars suggest that
the international economic competitiveness argument supporters of the
policy often use is poorly grounded. The results of some research indicate
that there is a weak or nonexistent relationship between common core
state standards and high test scores. Further, as it relates to international
achievement measures, it is critical to note that it is not intended as a
curriculum which is different from some other countries.
Moreover, there are some observers concerned with the state of the
current K-12 educational system in the U.S. who suggest that it is not
enough to just have high standards and to make them uniform across
respective states. Many of them place their emphasis on additional
resources. They believe that vital economic, programmatic, and social
support is needed for the nation’s most economically disadvantaged
students as well as crucial professional development for teachers. This
support for socio-economically disadvantaged students will become
even more critical in light of the fact that states which have adopted
common core have experienced negative effects on the achievement
gap and dropout rates. Further, the common core standards emphasize
preparing students for college and careers, but there is nothing in the
standards that teaches citizenship and helps students develop a sense
of social and civic pride (Wraga, 2010). This is clearly important for not
only maintaining a vibrant democracy but also successfully addressing
some of the goals of a social justice agenda such as eradicating inequities
in American K-12 education and the existing racial achievement gap.
References
Au, W. (2013). Coring social studies within corporate education reform: the
common core state standards, social justice, and the politics of knowledge
in U.S. schools. Critical Knowledge, 4(5), 1-16. Retrieved from http://ojs.
library.ubc.ca/index.php/criticaled/article/view/182278
Berglind, H. (1998). Towards an action theory for social work. Stockholm, Sweden:
Almqvist & Wiksell.
Bourdieu, P. (1998). Practical reason: on the theory of action. Stanford, CA:
Stanford University Press
Cavanaugh, S. (2009). Subject matter groups want voice in standards. Education
Week, 28(35), 1-6. Retrieved from: http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2009
Center on Education Policy, (2012). Year two of implementing the Common
Core State Standards: States’ progress and challenges. Retrieved from:
http://www.cep-dc.org
Cohen, D. K., Moffit, S., & Goldin, S. (2007). Policy and practice, In D. Cohen,
S. Fuhrman, & F. Mosher (Eds.),The state of education policy research (pp.
63-85), London, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Department of Education. (2010). Common core standards initiative timeline.
Concord, NH: State of New Hampshire.
62
Evaluating Common Core
Gerwertz, C. (2010). Allies shift focus toward promoting standards adoption.
Education Week, 29(33), 1, 18-19. Retrieved from https://eric.ed.gov/
?id=EJ887547
Greener, I. (2002). Understanding NHS reform: the policy-transfer, social learning
and path dependency perspectives,
Governance, 15(2), 161-183. Retrieved
from https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0491.00184
Harvard Family Research Project. (2010).
A profile of the evaluation of the 21st
century community learning centers-national. Cambridge, MA. Retrieved
from https://www.gse.harvard.edu/hfrp/profile .
Layton, L. (2014, June 7). How Bill Gates pulled off the swift common core revolution.
The Washington Post. Retrieved from: https://www.washingtonpost.com
Linn, R. L. (2005). Standards-based accountability: ten suggestions. CRESST
Policy Brief. Los. Angeles, CA: UCLA. Retrieved from https://eric.ed.gov/
?id=D488732
Mathis, W. J. (2010). The common core standards initiative: An effective reform
tool? Boulder, CO and Tempe, AZ: Education and the Public Interest Center
& Education Policy Research Unit. Retrieved from: http://epicpolicy.org/
publication/common
McNeil, M. (2009). NGA,CCSSO launch common standards drive.
Education Week,
28(29), 1-29. Retrieved from: http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2009
National Education Association. (2009). NEA partners to develop standards for
measuring 21st century skills. Retrieved from: https://www.nea.org
National Governor’s Association. (2009). Common core state standards k-12 work
and feedback groups announced. Retrieved from: https://www.nea.org
Phillips, V., & Wong, C. (2010). Tying together the common core standards,
instruction and assessment.
Phi Delta Kappan, 91(5), 37-42. Retrieved from
https://doi.org/10.1177/003172171009100511
Richardson, J. (2010). The editor’s note. Phi Delta Kappan, 91(5), 4. Retrieved
from https://doi.org/10.1177/003172171009200103
Strauss, V. (2014, September 4). Will Common Core double the high school dropout
rate? The Washington Post. Retrieved from: http://www.washingtonpost.com
Strauss, V. (2016, June 2). Gates Foundation chief admits Common Core mistakes.
The Washington Post. Retrieved from: http://www.washingtonpost.com
U.S. Department of Education. (2010). A blueprint for reform: The reauthorization
of the elementary and secondary education act. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Education
Warren, J. R., & Grodsky, E. (2009). Exit exams harm students who fail them
and don’t benefit students who pass them. Phi Delta Kappan, 90(9), 645-649.
Retrieved from https://dpi.org/10.1177/003172170909000908
Wraga, W. G. (2010, August 18). Dangerous blind spots in the common-core
standards. Education Week, published online, Retrieved from https://www.
edweek.org/ew/articles/2010/08/18/01wraga.h30.html